Some point out the specificity of foreign policy compared to other state policies in the management of its various activities, democratic control can limit its effectiveness, so that it should not be subject to the same political control as other government initiatives. Because this concerns the national interest, the security and the strategic interests of the state, in an international environment filled with opponents, on this basis, it is preferable that the executive power assume external affairs. This préférence is also found in:
- The complexity and growing importance of international affairs, in addition to the speed with which various international interactions take place, has led to the need for a more centralized foreign policy process.
- A person — as head of the executive body — can better formulate foreign policy than a collective body such as Parliament.
- The secret that usually characterizes foreign affairs.
As a result, Parliament's intervention in the area of foreign affairs is a later intervention: it does not take the initiative of foreign policy decisions, but its role is limited to approving or opposing the policy proposed by 'executive. Within the latter, we find that the institution of the presidency plays a central role in making foreign policy decisions, according to the "reserved area" theory which is considered the decision-making process is a monopoly on those who occupy the top of the authoritarian hierarchy in the state. And because the institution of the presidency is more neutral and relatively stable with respect to the government, and far from the scope of political disputes and party-driven conflicts, especially if the government is a coalition of parties.
In Algeria, it can be said that the field of foreign affairs is preoccupied by the executive power, where the President of the Republic plays a central role in the development of Algerian foreign political industry, Because he has wide powers, as stipulated by all known constitutions of Algeria, in addition to its revolutionary legitimacy, since all the presidents who succeeded the presidency of Algeria participated in the Algerian revolution. The presidency, in particular, seems to have complete control over the development of foreign policy, as is evident from the constitutions of Algeria, in which the President of the Republic has extensive powers to define and direct internal and external policies, as defined in the 1996 Constitution in Part II, entitled Regulating Authorities.
Specifically in Chapter I of the Executive Authority, which the President of the Republic embodies the unity of the nation, He represents the state inside and outside the country, according to Article 70, known as the name of the representative of the President of the Republic, according to Article 77 of the same Constitution, the President of the Republic is the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, The responsibility of national defense, foreign policy and orientation of the State, is chaired the cabinet of ministers cabinet, appoints the prime minister and assumes its functions, the head of government is appointed and assumes its functions, and signs the political institutions, it has the right to grant amnesty, the right to reduce or replace sanctions, and he can consult the population in all cases of national importance through referendum. When the heads of diplomatic and consular missions are appointed as personal representatives of the President of the Republic and delegated by the State of Algeria to the sending States.
The first Minister in Algeria can exercise foreign policy, where he can represent the country abroad on behalf of the President of the Republic, Although the Constitution stresses that the President has the right to represent the Republic at home and abroad, and jointly establishes and supervises the implementation of public policy of the State, However, during the application, such powers may be used to the extent that they contradict the Constitution itself or by the President of the Republic in the exercise of his functions, or by the authorization of his assistants to perform certain functions. Therefore, the constitutional, legal and practical framework shows the centrality of the President of the Republic in Algerian decision-making. The process of realization of the Algerian foreign policy seems to be a question of separation of the constitutions and the national charters The Parmesan, the Presidency and the Ministries of the Sovereignty (Defense, Foreign Affairs, Interior, Justice) are the official institutions in charge of the formulation and the execution of foreign policy and can be shared by other forces such as intelligence agencies and other hidden forces such as interest groups and pressure and political and historical figures that weigh heavily on the community.
From a constitutional point of view, the president is unique in the creation of Algerian foreign policy according to his powers, but in practice this is not the case: first, the nature of the relationship between the two institutions: the army and the presidency; Secondly, the person who holds the office of President of the Republic, and the extent of his willingness to exercise the full powers provided by this post. For the first point, some of them present two sides difficult to separate: on the one hand, the relationship seems to be cooperative, The President has always affirmed his respect for the army and his gratitude for the great role he has played in the fight against terrorism and the preservation of the republican character of the state, and sought to erase the negative image that characterizes the regime, particularly the military. And pass the theses of the latter to solve the Algerian crisis.
And on the other hand, reveal the nature of the conflict between them, the president also claimed that he is the President of the Republic, the Minister of Defense and the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, and that the army is that one of the institutions of the Republic. His role is governed by a constitutional framework that should not be surpassed and he declared that he was ready to die to stop the intervention of the army in his work: "I do not fear anyone in any place and I will continue to execute the orders of my conscience because the man will not die more than once and will not be delayed or advanced by one minute" . And so we can talk — according to the first aspect — about the use of the institution of the presidency in the service of the military institution, that is to say the subordination of the first to the second, which means that the real decision-maker is the army, and that the president is nothing but what the army decides, can leave him free from certain questions and problems without exceeding the limits he imposes on him, and since the military do not care hardly any foreign affairs except in case of threat to national security or aggravation of international conflicts, the President gives him a wide margin of freedom in the development and implementation of foreign policy. As for the second aspect, the strength of the president's personality and his sense of urgency lead him to greater freedom and independence in political decision-making in general, which is what Bouteflika tried when he acquired a new legitimacy not legitimate for the army: besides the legal legitimacy, he turned to the people by the referendum to arm himself with the popular legitimacy, and to serve him to confront the army that brought him to power. Bouteflika has therefore tried to reconcile official (formal) and real authorities by reducing the role of the army in political life, which means that it has greater independence in determining the general policy of the country, especially the foreign policy, in the absence or weakness of other political forces, especially the parties.