The Algerian war for independence started on November 1st, 1954 and lasted until 1962. During the war there were about one million Algerian people died. The policy on Algeria was one of the most marking elements of leadership of France’s president Charles De Gaulle (1958-1969). After accessing to power in May 1958, in the midst of a major crisis in French politics over the destiny of France’s relationship with its most important (annexed) colony, Algeria, De Gaulle stimulated contradictory passions and, most importantly, mystery, as to where he stood on the Algerian question. In it, he uttered the word “self-determination” which was much feared by the French in Algeria. As a subject of numerous studies and publications, De Gaulle has remained a mystery and the object of both despise and passion.
January 8th, 1959, General Charles de Gaulle was officially declared the first president of the Fifth Republic. On the day of the inauguration of De Gaulle announced pardons 200 convicts on the death of Algerians, 7,000 Algerians were released from kontsla¬gerey, and while in prison, Ben Bella, Bitat, Ait Ahmed, Budiaf and Hidari were transferred (after a long hunger strike) in more favorable conditions of detention . Further developments followed with kaleidoscopic rapidity. Five days later, the rebels executed in Kabylia captain executioner Graziani (1). On 24 January, the city of Constantine district tanks were blown up in Algeria with the fuel, the fire from which lasted three days. In late January, speaking before parliament, De Gaulle offered the rebels' peace on honorable terms. The next day, the French military put on display the body of the executed Mujahideen in the village Larbi (2).
In Algeria, de Gaulle's policy was in a pause. It does not do on the Algerian issue public statements. But Charles de Gaulle Alain Peyrefitte personal press secretary left interesting documentary records (3).
Officially, de Gaulle did not use the term "integration", probably because on the one hand, did not want to be bound, even indirectly, with ultra-colonialists, and on the other hand, saw the problem deeper and much more: Do not deceive yourself in words.
With regard to the Gaullist movement, in his party "Union for a new republic" (UNR) had the task of determining its destination in the Fifth Republic. The aim of the party's unconditional support for General de Gaulle was proclaimed. But the situation is complicated by the fact that there was a split in the leadership on the Algerian problem.
Delbecque and Soustelle demanded that in all matters the party could make their own decisions, regardless of the position of the government. The second direction, which is led by Debra Chaban-Delmas, Shalandon, led it on unconditional subordination to the president and the government. Shalandon was elected General Secretary of UNR, and in March he travelled to Algeria.
In his speech, where he stated that "the fate of Algeria - the fate of France," but "political maturity Algeria allows him to decide their own destiny." Before his trip Shalandon visited De Gaulle. The press then pointed out that the statement of the Secretary-General is very similar to the general manner of speaking (4).
De Gaulle, in particular, said that "Algeria is linked to France" as well as "he revealed himself," and "it will be a wonderful creation, the creation of which requires the efforts of all Algerians from all its communities, as well as from the French France. The content of de Gaulle's speech was such that once again gave everyone the opportunity to think through what seemed closer, but frank irritation caused due to the ambiguity and uncertainty.
June 7, 1959 at the Salle Pleyel was the second National Assembly for Peace in Algeria. The Assembly was established on the initiative of 110 representatives of various organizations and committees fighting for peace in Algeria. 1,500 delegates coming from 55 departments of France, participated in the Assembly. The manifesto adopted at this representative assembly, called "redouble their efforts, to persevere in their actions for peace in Algeria." The Assembly was elected to the National Coordination Center for Peace in Algeria, widely known in France under the name "Center Pleyel". The Center considered it necessary, "preserving the independence of each organization, committee or movement, to take decisions on joint action to implement the common objectives." As first demonstration was planned two-weeks (from June 22 to July 5), campaign struggled for peace in Algeria(5) .
During this campaign, according to the authority of the National Committee of the magazine "The struggle for peace" across France held numerous meetings, rallies and demonstrations, the most significant of them, in Strasbourg, Marseilles, Grenoble, Le Havre, Nice, in the various districts of Paris. During these two weeks it has been created more than 100 new peace committees. Committee of the struggle for peace, organized in the hospital Cochin, adopted an appeal to the country's medical struggle against the war (6).
General Schall campaigned against the Algerians with a stunning performance with extreme cruelty. And it has brought some success, military response is almost ceased. Command resorted to so-called "rearrangement" of the population that is the mass resettlement of peasants in the area, protected by troops and fenced with barbed wire.
Approximately 1.8 million. Muslims were transferred from their homes into camps. Villagers tortured entire families to find out about relatives-partisans. From a military point of view, this tactic has been more or less effective, but France carried a political loss. The Algerians did not give up, almost all of the indigenous population was divided into partisans hiding in the mountains, and their relatives are regularly interrogated and tortured. Violence and racism have become almost common in there. Impressed by what was happening, F. Fanon wrote, "the whole French nation is involved in crimes against the people and is an accomplice to murder and torture in the Algerian war." Many Algerian Europeans, who loved both his homeland, stand up to the rebels. For the first time in nearly four years of discussion of the Algerian question. Political Committee by a majority vote called for the right of the Algerian people to free and independent existence and stated the need to solve the Algerian problem through negotiations between the Governments of France and Algeria (7).
De Gaulle had to take into account another important factor - a set of interests of not only French, but also other Western monopolies that exploited jointly by oil, gas, iron and manganese ores. Michel Debre on 17th August said that France has the right to require the support of its allies in Algeria, and that is the duty of "the peoples of Europe, most of Africa and the West." The United States, along with other NATO countries have provided France for this purpose a loan of 655 million dollars. In August, Charles de Gaulle once again visited the army camp in Algeria. Then he travelled to villages and troubled regions in Algeria. As he wrote in his diary “to meet its population kept 'with total deference, but silent and inscrutable” " In Kabylia, which was well known for one of the town’s meeting in which warmly de Gaulle met with cheers. However, the mayor about this reception later said: "My general, do not take it seriously. Here all they want independence. “After the trip, de Gaulle took a vacation for the first time since coming to power. It was not a holiday in the fullest sense of the word. He left for Colombo, which was considering the results of their visit and got came up with the memorandum draft up for him by Bernard Tricot, the newly appointed advisor to Algeria. Military spending is too large, as well as political losses. Including lack of independence of France negate the achievement of the main goal of de Gaulle - France's return to the rank of the great powers. In this regard, mature solution, which is obviously the only way out of the crisis could be the provision of self-determination for Algeria (8).
A positive response to the project de Gaulle followed by the Communists. General Secretary of the French Communist Party Maurice Thorez wrote: "The policies of our government was, at least in words, important change. Noting the overall failure of appeasement, General de Gaulle recognized the right of the Algerian people to self-determination ... The main thing is its agreement with the fact that Algeria is not France since the Algerian people can and must itself determine its own future. " Indirectly de Gaulle agreed with the communists in regard to the differences between the French and the inhabitants of the overseas territories: "We forced them to repeat:" The Gauls - our ancestors. " Not very wise on our part ... We wanted to be one hundred million French republic as if they all look the same. Therefore, the French are going through a painful break decolonization. So, I created the Commonwealth is to ensure that every nation could follow the path that suits him - is desirable, in good agreement with us; because, ultimately, it is better for everyone (9).
De Gaulle's refusal from the integration has become more decisive, just as hardened during this time opposition to his policy of supporters of "French Algeria". He was ready to talk to them in the language of numbers, "that the French have preferred Algeria Algeria in the Commonwealth than shoulder Algeria on his shoulders and collapse under its weight. The inclusion of the Algerian departments of the French not only undermine our credibility in the world, but also to destroy us economically. "
Thus, the events of autumn 1958 showed unwillingness of the Algerians to the authorities to solve their national problems. Promises remained on papers. Hopes for the attainment of independence did not come true. The result was the aggravation of the Algerian problem.